Grazia’s chapter entitled gamily verses the states discusses the perplexing relationship that develops between the family and the state with the rise of fascism. She outlines that the new ideology of the fascist government is to incorporate the family into the government, but then shows how those socialist measures to accomplish this integration in actually undermines the family.
For example, the new ideology set forth was that men should be able to work and earn enough money to support his family so his wife could stay home (embracing this idea of separate spheres). So in an attempt embrace this family ideology the government established the family allowance system. However, to even get this set wage system you have to have the right connections with the proper private or governmental organizations. This new welfare state changes the role of women. Because men should be working to earn a wage for the family the women or the elitist class have to carry this idea out with the lower classes. Also, women of the lower classes are also forced to work as their husbands are unable to make enough money for their family. Thus, family size begins to shrink and with the realization that the state is not providing a support group. Families have to begin to rely on their kin for support. Grazia then exemplifies her point through the letter the wife of Milanese man to the government (103-104).
Grazia argues that two different family ideologies emerge. The first is then the fascist familism emphasizing family unity, paternity, and female devotion to the family. This ideology is then altered through its impracticable practice and gives way to oppositional familism. This placed more focus on the father and gave priority of jobs and wages to those fathers with larger families (in hopes of increasing the population). People during this time appeared to operate on the idea that you had to maximize your resources in the short run and not worry about future generations. Her discussion of oppositional familism is limited and somewhat confusing compared to her expansive explanation of fascist familism.
Grazia’s article could fall under three of the categories we have discussed. The most fitting category would be that of the Law, State, and Church. Her article focuses on how the state regulations affect the family. This leads to the next category of family relationships and family economics. Grazia takes great length to describe how the government imposes different ideas on the roles of men and women in the family. Men should be earning enough money for a large family while women stay at home and work. Furthermore, that state is suppose to step in and subsidize a husbands wage but jumping through the hoops to get this money is impossible. The last category this could fall under then is gender. In Grazia’s description of the family she does discuss the role of children briefly but she tends to focus on the different roles that husband and wives have (men and women).
Showing posts with label Gender. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Gender. Show all posts
Thursday, November 12, 2009
Saturday, November 7, 2009
"Keystone of the Patriarchal Family? Indissoluble marriage, masculinity and divorce in Liberal Italy," by Mark Seymour
In this article, Mark Seymour discusses the arguments for and against divorce laws in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in Italy. Those who opposed the divorce laws argued that such laws would be harmful to women because it would allow men to abandon their wives more easily. Because it was more difficult for women to remarry than men, their economic situation would have greatly declined as a result of such practices. The predominant Catholic ideology of the region was also very influential in keeping divorce laws from being passed. The Catholic church promoted the idea that divorce laws would "empty marriage of all meaning and lead to a free-for-all" and "free love." On the other side of the debate, authors such as Anna Franchi demonstrated through their writing the horrible plights of women who were forced to remain in unhappy or even abusive marriages. Seymour points out that Italy's failure to initiate divorce laws before the 1970's illustrates the resilience of Italy's patriarchal system. Many Italians feared that passing divorce laws which allowed equality for men and women would lead to emasculation of men and essentially undermine the stability of society.
This article relates to Mary Hartman's chapter "What Men and Women Want" because it demonstrates the fact that many felt that a man's masculine identity would be compromised if they did similar work (because of marriage equality) as women. This article fits under the category of gender because of it's exploration of traditional gender ideals which were threatened by divorce laws in Italy. It also fits under the categories of Law, Church and State, as well as Marriage and Its Dissolution for obvious reasons.
This article relates to Mary Hartman's chapter "What Men and Women Want" because it demonstrates the fact that many felt that a man's masculine identity would be compromised if they did similar work (because of marriage equality) as women. This article fits under the category of gender because of it's exploration of traditional gender ideals which were threatened by divorce laws in Italy. It also fits under the categories of Law, Church and State, as well as Marriage and Its Dissolution for obvious reasons.
Tuesday, November 3, 2009
"Households and Families: Structure and Flux" by Alan Duben and Cem Behar
Duben and Behar used information from the 1885 and 1907 censuses of Istanbul and other areas of Turkey to discuss marriage and family patterns in pre-WWI Turkey. Their main conclusion was that Turkey followed the southeast marriage pattern in a some ways, yet resembled northwestern Europe in other ways. Men and women married relatively early in Istanbul, with the men about ten years older than the women. However, when married the new couples generally left their parent's house and started their own household free from their parent's influence. Extended families still had close ties with young couples but the men were free to make their own decisions for their families. In consequence of young couples moving out, households tended to be quite small which defies Hartman's arguments the SE Europe had more numerous family groups. Duben and Behar do agree with Hartman that the age at marriage is the key to many other aspects of domestic life. They also point out that patterns in Istanbul and rural Anatolia (Turkey) were quite different, with rural Anatolia conforming more to Hartman's idea os SE Europe. The Hainal line is mentioned in reference to the fact that Turkey supports Hainal's ideas in a few ways and does not support it in other. Duben and Behar shed some light on Europe as a whole by discussing Turkey in particular. The example of Turkey shows how no family pattern fits across the board - each culture had its own peculiarities.
Labels:
Age,
categories of difference,
Demography,
Family Economics,
Gender
Sunday, October 25, 2009
Interpreting the Western Past with the Women and the Households Left in, 1500-1800 by Mary S. Hartman
In this Chapter from The Household and the Making a History, Mary Hartman states that the late marriage pattern in Northwestern Europe and the fact that brides were nearly as old as grooms when entering into marriage had far reaching consequences and was the motivating factor in the most important developments of the era namely religious upheaval, new systems of political authority, and transformed structures of livelihood.
She argues throughout that she goes against the original view that the strong currents of social change moved from wider society to households but rather she argues from households to the wider society. Concerning the Reformation, more people then ever before were seeking personal reasons for the ways they were supposed to live their lives. "The comparatively independent position of wives as partners in household governance also helped ensure that more women then ever before would have common interest with men, as well as some peculiar interests of their own, in becoming active heretics."(Hartman, p.214) Younger people were making more choices for themselves and had more responsibilities and looking for a towards a supreme being who had a preordained their fate.
She tells us that daily experiences in family life set the stage for political behavior. The late marriage pattern created more choices for young people including whom and when to marry this created families that contained two contributing adult decision makers. This is important because it represents an voluntary contract in which both partners agree to create and maintain the unit and both must contribute by supporting and sustaining members. This shaped the perception of state and politics as a voluntary contact. She also address the industrial reformation and tells up that the lalte marriage pattern created nuclear families that came to rely on alternate means then possesion of land to facilitate a living. This and the women in the work force prior to marriage contributed greatly to the industrial revolution.
Hartman argues that Households and work structures accompanying woman's late marriage had an enormous effect on gender arrangements and attitudes, one that literally shaped societal relations, structures, and developments" (Hartman, p.224) The uses a wide range of evidence from a study of the professions and work of the middle class to the traditions of village festivals to sermons. He evidence does seems to support her theory.
She argues throughout that she goes against the original view that the strong currents of social change moved from wider society to households but rather she argues from households to the wider society. Concerning the Reformation, more people then ever before were seeking personal reasons for the ways they were supposed to live their lives. "The comparatively independent position of wives as partners in household governance also helped ensure that more women then ever before would have common interest with men, as well as some peculiar interests of their own, in becoming active heretics."(Hartman, p.214) Younger people were making more choices for themselves and had more responsibilities and looking for a towards a supreme being who had a preordained their fate.
She tells us that daily experiences in family life set the stage for political behavior. The late marriage pattern created more choices for young people including whom and when to marry this created families that contained two contributing adult decision makers. This is important because it represents an voluntary contract in which both partners agree to create and maintain the unit and both must contribute by supporting and sustaining members. This shaped the perception of state and politics as a voluntary contact. She also address the industrial reformation and tells up that the lalte marriage pattern created nuclear families that came to rely on alternate means then possesion of land to facilitate a living. This and the women in the work force prior to marriage contributed greatly to the industrial revolution.
Hartman argues that Households and work structures accompanying woman's late marriage had an enormous effect on gender arrangements and attitudes, one that literally shaped societal relations, structures, and developments" (Hartman, p.224) The uses a wide range of evidence from a study of the professions and work of the middle class to the traditions of village festivals to sermons. He evidence does seems to support her theory.
Thursday, October 22, 2009
'The Nursery of Virtue': Domestic Ideology and the Middle Class. by Davidoff and Hall
This article also explains how the ideals of Middle-class domesticity were both perpetuated and reflected in 19th century British literature, focusing on the changing language (from religious to secular) of the “woman’s place and woman’s mission” debate that occurred during the first half of the 19th century. Davidoff and Hall begin their article by recounting the “Queen Caroline affair” which established the ideals of British motherhood which continued through the Victorian Era. From the affair, moralists concluded that the monarchy must exemplify the gender traits idealized at the time—that of the courageous man coming to the rescue of the “helpless female.” This respectful treatment of its women was widely believed to be “the mark of England’s advanced stage of civilization,” with “domestic virtue” the “brightest ornament of that civilization.”
The spread of overall literacy likewise spread these domestic ideals through the middle class. The main focus of the article is the variety of writers—famous, local, male, female, gentry, middle class—who focus on domesticity and its separate ideals of masculinity and femininity. The famous authors most read and loved by the middle class—described as an “unorthodox combination”(Cowper, Hemans, Barbauld, Nathanial Cotton, Scott, Barton, the Taylor sisters, and Byron)—explain the contradictory elements in the middle-class value system. Over the course of the 19th century, authors wrote about ideal gender roles first with religious and then simply moral influence.
The spread of overall literacy likewise spread these domestic ideals through the middle class. The main focus of the article is the variety of writers—famous, local, male, female, gentry, middle class—who focus on domesticity and its separate ideals of masculinity and femininity. The famous authors most read and loved by the middle class—described as an “unorthodox combination”(Cowper, Hemans, Barbauld, Nathanial Cotton, Scott, Barton, the Taylor sisters, and Byron)—explain the contradictory elements in the middle-class value system. Over the course of the 19th century, authors wrote about ideal gender roles first with religious and then simply moral influence.
Saturday, October 3, 2009
"Till death us do part": life after a failed marriage, by Bailey
Bailey's article outlines her argument that "the majority of individuals suffered ...socio-economic decline" upon dissolution of their marriage. She cites numerous records of marital difficulties to support her claims. Men and women alike found themselves in a worsened situation if they chose to separate. These records can also be utilized to visualize the living and working arrangements of ex-spouses. Much of Bailey's documentation comes from eighteenth century England.
"Poverty frequently fragmented families," Bailey says. Among the poorer families, husbands left wives and children in times of dire economic need. Bailey points out that the connection between abandonment and economic difficulties is strong in the second half of the eighteenth century: this is a period when desertions rose, and simultaneously food prices increased and "probably outstripped wage rates." Monetary penalties, incarcerations, and transfer to America all are recorded methods of punishment for fathers guilty of absconding. This suggests the importance and severity with which desertion of families by fathers was viewed upon by the state.
Bailey argues that single and previously married people alike sought to create a household like unto marriage, where multiple parties work as one to fulfill responsibilities and pool resources. Even relatively well-off gentlemen who had dissolved marriages were compelled to find others that fulfilled the role of wife and mother. Bailey states the amount of co-dependency between husband and wife in this period was great, thus the dissolution of marriage had mutual detrimental affects. Bailey cites records of employment as the best gauge of living arrangements post-divorce, as records do not reveal living arrangements of separated spouses.
While women were often the victims of abandonment, Bailey states that it is a mistake to "type-cast" deserted wives as victims, as there is plenty of evidence that they were able to find jobs. Rather, divorced men are the ones more reliant on wives. This statement is backed by her using the statistic of more elderly women living alone than elderly men in the eighteenth century. However, the greatest lesson to be learned is the "extensive co-dependency within marriage.
"Poverty frequently fragmented families," Bailey says. Among the poorer families, husbands left wives and children in times of dire economic need. Bailey points out that the connection between abandonment and economic difficulties is strong in the second half of the eighteenth century: this is a period when desertions rose, and simultaneously food prices increased and "probably outstripped wage rates." Monetary penalties, incarcerations, and transfer to America all are recorded methods of punishment for fathers guilty of absconding. This suggests the importance and severity with which desertion of families by fathers was viewed upon by the state.
Bailey argues that single and previously married people alike sought to create a household like unto marriage, where multiple parties work as one to fulfill responsibilities and pool resources. Even relatively well-off gentlemen who had dissolved marriages were compelled to find others that fulfilled the role of wife and mother. Bailey states the amount of co-dependency between husband and wife in this period was great, thus the dissolution of marriage had mutual detrimental affects. Bailey cites records of employment as the best gauge of living arrangements post-divorce, as records do not reveal living arrangements of separated spouses.
While women were often the victims of abandonment, Bailey states that it is a mistake to "type-cast" deserted wives as victims, as there is plenty of evidence that they were able to find jobs. Rather, divorced men are the ones more reliant on wives. This statement is backed by her using the statistic of more elderly women living alone than elderly men in the eighteenth century. However, the greatest lesson to be learned is the "extensive co-dependency within marriage.
Labels:
Gender,
law and state,
Marriage and its dissolution
Monday, September 21, 2009
Family Relations, Gender, and Demography
"Women, Family, and Inheritance in Bologna During the Black Death" by Shona Kelly Wray addresses the topic of family decisions during times of difficulty and even death. Wray argues that families in Bologna, Italy were steadfast in maintaining functionality and normalcy within the family, despite the imposing threats of the Black Death.
As evidence, the author uses the last will and testaments of individuals in this region, both before and during the plague. These primary sources are very insightful when looking at demographics and inheritance trends. Yet, they are presented in such a dry and mathematical way that it is hard to engage in and interpret the significance of what is being said. The author incorporates very little secondary sources and it is hard to grasp the overarching view that such sources offer. It almost seems as if there are two arguments that are being presented. The first one, the one that technically is defined within the article, is that families functioned and maintained familial ties despite a primitive instinct to engage in the "survival of the fittest" mentality. The second argument is the issue of inheritance procedures and the significant changes that recognized women, namely daughters and sisters, as potential heirs. Both of these arguments are engaging and significant in our perception of history. However, I believe that the authors choice to try and join the two arguments into one unit only broadened and watered down the potential for one poignant and delightful article.
As evidence, the author uses the last will and testaments of individuals in this region, both before and during the plague. These primary sources are very insightful when looking at demographics and inheritance trends. Yet, they are presented in such a dry and mathematical way that it is hard to engage in and interpret the significance of what is being said. The author incorporates very little secondary sources and it is hard to grasp the overarching view that such sources offer. It almost seems as if there are two arguments that are being presented. The first one, the one that technically is defined within the article, is that families functioned and maintained familial ties despite a primitive instinct to engage in the "survival of the fittest" mentality. The second argument is the issue of inheritance procedures and the significant changes that recognized women, namely daughters and sisters, as potential heirs. Both of these arguments are engaging and significant in our perception of history. However, I believe that the authors choice to try and join the two arguments into one unit only broadened and watered down the potential for one poignant and delightful article.
Saturday, September 19, 2009
How Northwestern Europe was Strange: Marriage, Households, and History
In the first Chapter of The Household and the Making of History, Mary Hartman shows the link between the age of marriage, household structure, gender roles and how Western Europe progressed from what she called a "backward periphery on the western fringes"(pg 1) into one of the more advanced areas of the world. She argues that while in most social arenas men were the dominate players, but that through domestic arenas, and thus women, many of modern history's best features are the result of marriage and the household system. Despite the generally excepted notion of very young marriages in the medieval era, Hartman argues that people actually tended to marry at an older age. She says that by marrying later many women first worked outside of their homes and when they did get married the couple tended to pool their resources and start their own nuclear family. Hartman claims that streamlined households would explain, in part, why the economical changes that led to industrialization occurred. towards the end of the chapter Hartman once again reminds us that she believes that women helped shape the world and history just as much as men did, and that women are not often given the credit they deserve in the writing of history.
Sunday, September 13, 2009
The Right of Paternal Power, Natural or Conditional?
In his article, Charles Reid discusses the role of paternal power through the Medieval Era. The article begins with research strongly supporting the unconditional role of fathers in the household, but then weaves its way in and out of such an argument. Reid uses his article to bring both sides of the paternal argument to the table.
The overriding theme for the article was law, state, and church, discussing carefully each of the points as if it were the given requirements for writing the article. Gender was an associate theme, taking the role of assistant to the main role, and family relationships and family economics made a short appearance inside the article.
After citing classical Roman law and its uncontestable paternal power, Reid takes the reader through a labyrinth of philosophers, affirming and contesting the all-authoritative role of the father in the household. Reid goes in depth, explaining the responsibilities of the father to the family, the rights of the children—both in and out of wedlock, and the governing laws of family. A powerful argument made on behalf of the church argues that men and women are equal within a marriage, and that one cannot stand without the other. Other philosophers, however, present the argument that Eve was given as a helpmeet for Adam, and this is subordinate to him in all things. In all cases, the relationship between rights and responsibility were not ignored, pointing to the partial purpose of marriage to be procreation and the consequences of procreation being that man must provide for the children in educational and nutritional ways.
The overriding theme for the article was law, state, and church, discussing carefully each of the points as if it were the given requirements for writing the article. Gender was an associate theme, taking the role of assistant to the main role, and family relationships and family economics made a short appearance inside the article.
After citing classical Roman law and its uncontestable paternal power, Reid takes the reader through a labyrinth of philosophers, affirming and contesting the all-authoritative role of the father in the household. Reid goes in depth, explaining the responsibilities of the father to the family, the rights of the children—both in and out of wedlock, and the governing laws of family. A powerful argument made on behalf of the church argues that men and women are equal within a marriage, and that one cannot stand without the other. Other philosophers, however, present the argument that Eve was given as a helpmeet for Adam, and this is subordinate to him in all things. In all cases, the relationship between rights and responsibility were not ignored, pointing to the partial purpose of marriage to be procreation and the consequences of procreation being that man must provide for the children in educational and nutritional ways.
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