In this passage, Ehmer discusses the idea of marriage in the 19th century and shows how demographics, the state, and other aspects changed during this time.
Many historians have argued that, beginning in the 18th century and carrying on into the 19th century with Romanticism, there was a shift toward romantic love as a reason for marriage. Young people were generally allowed to choose their marriage partners during this time. In addition, there began to be social disapproval for marriages forced by parents or with economic motivations. This did not mean that husbands and wives were considered equals in the marriage, though. In many occupations, husbands and wives had to work well together in order to achieve economic success. However, after the first half of the nineteenth century this began to shift and husbands were seen as the breadwinners and wives as the homemakers. Despite the idea of romantic marriage during this period, there were still social motivations involved. Forming kinship alliances was considered important in some rural societies and others considered marriage one of the few ways they could increase their social standing.
However, the state did not follow this ideal, and legal provisions argued for marriage to be “a moral and legal order independent of the wills of the two spouses.” Thus, control over marriage shifted from the Church to the state. Divorce was an issue that reveals the attitude of the state and marriage. In most countries in Europe until the mid-1800s, it was near impossible to legally divorce. However, even after divorce was later allowed under certain circumstances, in reality it rarely happened.
In discussing marriage demographics, Ehmer disagrees somewhat with the concept of the Hajnal line. Although the overall trends indicate that Western Europe married later than in the east, there was a great deal of regional variation. In Italy, for example, the marriage age for women could vary between 21 to 27 years, depending on which region you look at. This variation also holds true for celibacy rates across Europe. Marriage patterns did change during the 1800s, but in very different directions for countries. Ehmer believes this variation indicates overall that marriage was considered a choice for Europeans in the nineteenth-century.
Thursday, October 29, 2009
Tuesday, October 27, 2009
"The Middle-Class Household" by John Tosh
In this chapter Tosh discusses the changes in the middle class. There was a shift in the middle-class as it began to expand. The first generation of middle-class were shop and factory owners that lived adjacent to their place of business. Many young people were apprenticed to professions different from that of their parents, and as a result were able to enter higher levels of the middle class. This is part of the reason the middle class expanded so much. On page three Tosh says “But strength of numbers lay with the men of trade and business. It was this entrepreneurial element which increased most rapidly during the first half of the nineteenth century and accounted for the largest number of fresh recruits to the middle class.”
Tosh argues that the “Masculine self-respect certainly demanded that a man provide for his family, and great shame was attached to one who ‘failed’. “(pg 14) Many of the changes that occurred from one generation to the next in the middle class were attempts to prove to society that the man of the house could provide for his family by maintaining a ‘proper’ household. The second generation of middle class began moving away from their places of work. Increasingly home became a place of refuge and not a place of work. If there was work to be done at home it was to be done in a way and place that interference to the rest of the household was minimal.
Another point that Tosh makes is that women were withdrawing from the day to day practices of business. Part of being able to provide was to allow your wife to have a life of luxury. How little your wife was required to be involved in work became yet another social marker. Part of that shift was also the separation of the servants from the household. They were no longer considered part of the family but simply one more way to measure wealth. The more servants you could afford the better off you were. And if you could afford to hire male servants then you were really doing well. Tosh points out that during this period when the middle class expanded so much people became extremely preoccupied with their status in that middle class. It really seems to me that this is when the wide spread attitude of keeping up with the Jones came into play.
This chapter falls into the theme of Family Relationship and Family Economics because Tosh discusses the shift from women being an important part of the working relationship with their husbands to not being involved at all. As the middle class expanded the women's role began to be reduced and the responibility for making decisions and being the breadwinner fell completely on the man.
Tosh argues that the “Masculine self-respect certainly demanded that a man provide for his family, and great shame was attached to one who ‘failed’. “(pg 14) Many of the changes that occurred from one generation to the next in the middle class were attempts to prove to society that the man of the house could provide for his family by maintaining a ‘proper’ household. The second generation of middle class began moving away from their places of work. Increasingly home became a place of refuge and not a place of work. If there was work to be done at home it was to be done in a way and place that interference to the rest of the household was minimal.
Another point that Tosh makes is that women were withdrawing from the day to day practices of business. Part of being able to provide was to allow your wife to have a life of luxury. How little your wife was required to be involved in work became yet another social marker. Part of that shift was also the separation of the servants from the household. They were no longer considered part of the family but simply one more way to measure wealth. The more servants you could afford the better off you were. And if you could afford to hire male servants then you were really doing well. Tosh points out that during this period when the middle class expanded so much people became extremely preoccupied with their status in that middle class. It really seems to me that this is when the wide spread attitude of keeping up with the Jones came into play.
This chapter falls into the theme of Family Relationship and Family Economics because Tosh discusses the shift from women being an important part of the working relationship with their husbands to not being involved at all. As the middle class expanded the women's role began to be reduced and the responibility for making decisions and being the breadwinner fell completely on the man.
Sunday, October 25, 2009
Interpreting the Western Past with the Women and the Households Left in, 1500-1800 by Mary S. Hartman
In this Chapter from The Household and the Making a History, Mary Hartman states that the late marriage pattern in Northwestern Europe and the fact that brides were nearly as old as grooms when entering into marriage had far reaching consequences and was the motivating factor in the most important developments of the era namely religious upheaval, new systems of political authority, and transformed structures of livelihood.
She argues throughout that she goes against the original view that the strong currents of social change moved from wider society to households but rather she argues from households to the wider society. Concerning the Reformation, more people then ever before were seeking personal reasons for the ways they were supposed to live their lives. "The comparatively independent position of wives as partners in household governance also helped ensure that more women then ever before would have common interest with men, as well as some peculiar interests of their own, in becoming active heretics."(Hartman, p.214) Younger people were making more choices for themselves and had more responsibilities and looking for a towards a supreme being who had a preordained their fate.
She tells us that daily experiences in family life set the stage for political behavior. The late marriage pattern created more choices for young people including whom and when to marry this created families that contained two contributing adult decision makers. This is important because it represents an voluntary contract in which both partners agree to create and maintain the unit and both must contribute by supporting and sustaining members. This shaped the perception of state and politics as a voluntary contact. She also address the industrial reformation and tells up that the lalte marriage pattern created nuclear families that came to rely on alternate means then possesion of land to facilitate a living. This and the women in the work force prior to marriage contributed greatly to the industrial revolution.
Hartman argues that Households and work structures accompanying woman's late marriage had an enormous effect on gender arrangements and attitudes, one that literally shaped societal relations, structures, and developments" (Hartman, p.224) The uses a wide range of evidence from a study of the professions and work of the middle class to the traditions of village festivals to sermons. He evidence does seems to support her theory.
She argues throughout that she goes against the original view that the strong currents of social change moved from wider society to households but rather she argues from households to the wider society. Concerning the Reformation, more people then ever before were seeking personal reasons for the ways they were supposed to live their lives. "The comparatively independent position of wives as partners in household governance also helped ensure that more women then ever before would have common interest with men, as well as some peculiar interests of their own, in becoming active heretics."(Hartman, p.214) Younger people were making more choices for themselves and had more responsibilities and looking for a towards a supreme being who had a preordained their fate.
She tells us that daily experiences in family life set the stage for political behavior. The late marriage pattern created more choices for young people including whom and when to marry this created families that contained two contributing adult decision makers. This is important because it represents an voluntary contract in which both partners agree to create and maintain the unit and both must contribute by supporting and sustaining members. This shaped the perception of state and politics as a voluntary contact. She also address the industrial reformation and tells up that the lalte marriage pattern created nuclear families that came to rely on alternate means then possesion of land to facilitate a living. This and the women in the work force prior to marriage contributed greatly to the industrial revolution.
Hartman argues that Households and work structures accompanying woman's late marriage had an enormous effect on gender arrangements and attitudes, one that literally shaped societal relations, structures, and developments" (Hartman, p.224) The uses a wide range of evidence from a study of the professions and work of the middle class to the traditions of village festivals to sermons. He evidence does seems to support her theory.
Thursday, October 22, 2009
'The Nursery of Virtue': Domestic Ideology and the Middle Class. by Davidoff and Hall
This article also explains how the ideals of Middle-class domesticity were both perpetuated and reflected in 19th century British literature, focusing on the changing language (from religious to secular) of the “woman’s place and woman’s mission” debate that occurred during the first half of the 19th century. Davidoff and Hall begin their article by recounting the “Queen Caroline affair” which established the ideals of British motherhood which continued through the Victorian Era. From the affair, moralists concluded that the monarchy must exemplify the gender traits idealized at the time—that of the courageous man coming to the rescue of the “helpless female.” This respectful treatment of its women was widely believed to be “the mark of England’s advanced stage of civilization,” with “domestic virtue” the “brightest ornament of that civilization.”
The spread of overall literacy likewise spread these domestic ideals through the middle class. The main focus of the article is the variety of writers—famous, local, male, female, gentry, middle class—who focus on domesticity and its separate ideals of masculinity and femininity. The famous authors most read and loved by the middle class—described as an “unorthodox combination”(Cowper, Hemans, Barbauld, Nathanial Cotton, Scott, Barton, the Taylor sisters, and Byron)—explain the contradictory elements in the middle-class value system. Over the course of the 19th century, authors wrote about ideal gender roles first with religious and then simply moral influence.
The spread of overall literacy likewise spread these domestic ideals through the middle class. The main focus of the article is the variety of writers—famous, local, male, female, gentry, middle class—who focus on domesticity and its separate ideals of masculinity and femininity. The famous authors most read and loved by the middle class—described as an “unorthodox combination”(Cowper, Hemans, Barbauld, Nathanial Cotton, Scott, Barton, the Taylor sisters, and Byron)—explain the contradictory elements in the middle-class value system. Over the course of the 19th century, authors wrote about ideal gender roles first with religious and then simply moral influence.
Mary Jo Maynes, Class Cultures and Image of Proper Family Life
In this chapter, Maynes provides much information and evidence for the changes within European families in the 19th century. She argues that clashes resulted between post-Enlightenment ideals and images of “proper” family life held by the bourgeois and conflicting evidence of what actually happened in families. She uses cultural evidence regarding parent-child relations, age and gender roles, and sexual behavior.
Maynes states that mother-child relations and close supervision of children were important to the new family model, but that in actuality, few European women could be essentially stay-at-home moms. Mother and children’s labor was needed for most families to survive.
Another increasing ideal was that of two spheres, public and private. Maynes writes that gender roles became more polarized as a result. Urban growth contributed to class and gender segregation. Market and residential areas as well as class-segregated neighborhoods arose. In practice, most of the migrants coming to crowded urban areas had no option of moving to the suburbs. The new ideal family life was mainly indoors, but every-day realities required lower-class families to be in public, on the streets. Poor women were never able to remain inside their homes, even if new ideals of domesticity expected it.
The increased ideal separation of private and public matters can be seen in courtship as well. New ideas about family life supported marrying for love and not money. However, in reality arranged marriages based on economic needs and expectations continued.
This reading could belong under categories of gender or family relationships/family economics, but I think categories of difference would fit best. This reading covers many different elements of families, but focuses on the changes of family life – real and ideal, rural and urban, in different regions of Europe. This reading is significant in our study of European families because it shows how although family-life ideals changed extensively in the 19th Century, evidence of actual family life reveals a different story.
Wednesday, October 14, 2009
Reconstructing the social after the Terror by Suzanne Desan
This article discusses the reforms that occurred during the Reign of Terror in France during the French Revolution. These reforms affected families drastically. Divorce was embraced. Inheritance was no longer given to a specific person, but was being fought over by the siblings or relatives. The status of illegitimate children. A main concern for Frenchmen of this time was the ownership of property, which also caused problems within families.
The French were fighting among themselves at the expense of family relationships. Desan states that, "Reformulation of the Republic was fundamentally intertwined with a new emerging vision of the relationship between the family, law, and state." The petitioners or opposing side of all these reforms argued that social order was based on families being unified. The family was being separated during this time of political upheaval and the petitioners took it upon themselves to reunite the family and in so doing they would bring back social order of the state.
Ultimately, these reforms were kept to a minimal. The law was given less power over the family.
Thursday, October 8, 2009
Moral Panic and Hollan's Libertine Youth of the 1650's and 1660's, Benjamin Roberts and Leendert F. Groenendijk
The look at the Dutch moral panic is informative. The author’s thesis is that the Dutch moralists were incorrect in accusing the Dutch youth of decadency. The authors are able to show that the youth were decadent. They show that the moralists had a political agenda. They even show that the youth weren’t beyond Dutch societal limits.
While the thesis is informative, I dislike the bias of the authors. This bias is most in evidence in how the authors judge the morals by today’s standards. For example, the moralists slandered women for indecency, and accused them of nudity. The authors defend the women by explaining “most likely, the only nudity these women were guilty of was wearing sleeves shortened to the elbow.” In another instance the authors are explain how moralists hated long hair on men. They give examples of the older generation having long hair when they were young, and explain this double standard by supposing the “aged men…were probably jealous of [the] young men.” Both of these conclusions suffer from two weaknesses. First, a “most likely,” and a “probably” screams improper research. These assumptions may be correct, but there is no evidence. Second, the authors do not address how the culture would have seen sleeves to the elbow, or how whether thinning hair was disdained. In both of these examples the authors assume that what seems plausible by today’s standards was true of the standards of 1650’s Amsterdam.
While the thesis is informative, I dislike the bias of the authors. This bias is most in evidence in how the authors judge the morals by today’s standards. For example, the moralists slandered women for indecency, and accused them of nudity. The authors defend the women by explaining “most likely, the only nudity these women were guilty of was wearing sleeves shortened to the elbow.” In another instance the authors are explain how moralists hated long hair on men. They give examples of the older generation having long hair when they were young, and explain this double standard by supposing the “aged men…were probably jealous of [the] young men.” Both of these conclusions suffer from two weaknesses. First, a “most likely,” and a “probably” screams improper research. These assumptions may be correct, but there is no evidence. Second, the authors do not address how the culture would have seen sleeves to the elbow, or how whether thinning hair was disdained. In both of these examples the authors assume that what seems plausible by today’s standards was true of the standards of 1650’s Amsterdam.
Independent but Not Alone: Family Ties for the Elderly. By:Susannah R. Ottoway
Ottoway examines the role of the family in caring for their elderly. She discusses that there were great affections between parents and children even through their older years. She finds through many different journals and diaries that most of the extensive, primary care that was done by the family was mainly during times of sickness or injury. Beyond the occasional extensive care for aged parents there was also an expectation of affection and assistance as well as for the elderly parents to continue caring about their adult children’s well being. Wills were a very prominent source to show of the care that elderly parents’ had for their children children even after death.
Another aspect Ottoway explored was co-habitation of aged parents with their adult children. Many of her statistics come from parish records from which she is able to find that most elderly parents did reside with their family, yet there was still a decent percentage that did not. Many of these were often the poor who needed the assistance the most, but did not have children that could support them in ways they needed, especially financially.
Further more, there was a great importance of grandchildren and even other extended family in the support and care of elderly family members. This care for elderly in some cases extended beyond family ties in certain cases. But overall the argument that Ottoway expresses is that family ranging from adult children, grandchildren, and other extended kin did play a very key role in the assistance of their aged family members. However, the extent depended on large regional variations as to the extent of assistance. This argument fits under the themes of age and family relationships because it discusses in depth the role of family relations of the elderly.
This argument is valid and supported through many forms of primary sources. Ottoway also involves other secondary sources that contradict her arguments in which she is able to successfully refute their claims. The point that is made of large variation is also an important side note to her claims, but also makes her claims more difficult to concretely display, which is common of most studies of family across large regional areas.
Monday, October 5, 2009
'Without the cry of any neighbours': A Cumbrian family and the poor law authorities, c. 1690-1730 by Steve Hindle
This article dealt primarily with social welfare in the late 1600s and early 1700s, and how far scholars have come since Lawrence Stone's original ideas on the subject in 1977. Poor people often had to petition for financial relief and support from the parish. Even though it was easier for the elderly and the widows, obtaining this support was difficult and resulted in minimal finances.
Hindle uses the example of one Ann Bowman to demonstrate just how the system worked. Bowman lived in the small English farming town of Kirkoswald, and spent about twenty years as a widow with five living children. In fact, Ann's husband Robert was still alive when she was first put on the parish weekly pension roles in 1690. The parish took Ann off the roles several times over the years, claiming that she had a daughter who could support her and thus spare the doners' money. Ann always appealed, claiming that she could not work, that her daughter who lived with her did not make enough to support her, and that she lived too far from anybody else to live off of begging for neighborly charity. It is worth noting that neighbors were often more responsible for providing charity to poor households than extended family. Widows were expected to either work or beg into old age. Ann fought this and claimed that she couldn't because of her oldest son's mental illness and "increasing disability" (page 155).
Tensions were obviously strong between the parish and "moochers" like Ann who were believed to still be able to find ways of providing for themselves. Some people, such as Ann, stood up for themselves and persisted in fighting for 'fair' weekly pensions.
Hindle uses the example of one Ann Bowman to demonstrate just how the system worked. Bowman lived in the small English farming town of Kirkoswald, and spent about twenty years as a widow with five living children. In fact, Ann's husband Robert was still alive when she was first put on the parish weekly pension roles in 1690. The parish took Ann off the roles several times over the years, claiming that she had a daughter who could support her and thus spare the doners' money. Ann always appealed, claiming that she could not work, that her daughter who lived with her did not make enough to support her, and that she lived too far from anybody else to live off of begging for neighborly charity. It is worth noting that neighbors were often more responsible for providing charity to poor households than extended family. Widows were expected to either work or beg into old age. Ann fought this and claimed that she couldn't because of her oldest son's mental illness and "increasing disability" (page 155).
Tensions were obviously strong between the parish and "moochers" like Ann who were believed to still be able to find ways of providing for themselves. Some people, such as Ann, stood up for themselves and persisted in fighting for 'fair' weekly pensions.
Saturday, October 3, 2009
"Till death us do part": life after a failed marriage, by Bailey
Bailey's article outlines her argument that "the majority of individuals suffered ...socio-economic decline" upon dissolution of their marriage. She cites numerous records of marital difficulties to support her claims. Men and women alike found themselves in a worsened situation if they chose to separate. These records can also be utilized to visualize the living and working arrangements of ex-spouses. Much of Bailey's documentation comes from eighteenth century England.
"Poverty frequently fragmented families," Bailey says. Among the poorer families, husbands left wives and children in times of dire economic need. Bailey points out that the connection between abandonment and economic difficulties is strong in the second half of the eighteenth century: this is a period when desertions rose, and simultaneously food prices increased and "probably outstripped wage rates." Monetary penalties, incarcerations, and transfer to America all are recorded methods of punishment for fathers guilty of absconding. This suggests the importance and severity with which desertion of families by fathers was viewed upon by the state.
Bailey argues that single and previously married people alike sought to create a household like unto marriage, where multiple parties work as one to fulfill responsibilities and pool resources. Even relatively well-off gentlemen who had dissolved marriages were compelled to find others that fulfilled the role of wife and mother. Bailey states the amount of co-dependency between husband and wife in this period was great, thus the dissolution of marriage had mutual detrimental affects. Bailey cites records of employment as the best gauge of living arrangements post-divorce, as records do not reveal living arrangements of separated spouses.
While women were often the victims of abandonment, Bailey states that it is a mistake to "type-cast" deserted wives as victims, as there is plenty of evidence that they were able to find jobs. Rather, divorced men are the ones more reliant on wives. This statement is backed by her using the statistic of more elderly women living alone than elderly men in the eighteenth century. However, the greatest lesson to be learned is the "extensive co-dependency within marriage.
"Poverty frequently fragmented families," Bailey says. Among the poorer families, husbands left wives and children in times of dire economic need. Bailey points out that the connection between abandonment and economic difficulties is strong in the second half of the eighteenth century: this is a period when desertions rose, and simultaneously food prices increased and "probably outstripped wage rates." Monetary penalties, incarcerations, and transfer to America all are recorded methods of punishment for fathers guilty of absconding. This suggests the importance and severity with which desertion of families by fathers was viewed upon by the state.
Bailey argues that single and previously married people alike sought to create a household like unto marriage, where multiple parties work as one to fulfill responsibilities and pool resources. Even relatively well-off gentlemen who had dissolved marriages were compelled to find others that fulfilled the role of wife and mother. Bailey states the amount of co-dependency between husband and wife in this period was great, thus the dissolution of marriage had mutual detrimental affects. Bailey cites records of employment as the best gauge of living arrangements post-divorce, as records do not reveal living arrangements of separated spouses.
While women were often the victims of abandonment, Bailey states that it is a mistake to "type-cast" deserted wives as victims, as there is plenty of evidence that they were able to find jobs. Rather, divorced men are the ones more reliant on wives. This statement is backed by her using the statistic of more elderly women living alone than elderly men in the eighteenth century. However, the greatest lesson to be learned is the "extensive co-dependency within marriage.
Thursday, October 1, 2009
Ages of Woman, Ages of Man by Chojnacka and Wiesner-Hanks
5 quite interesting readings from the book Ages of Woman and Ages of Man
Regulations of a City Brothel (Law State and Church)
In the 1500's prostitution began to have regulatoins set on it. In this essay it appears that although prostitution was looked down on, it was accepted. The article outlines the new regulations placed on brothel owners: whores should be treated fairly, not sold brought by brothel managers; whores should not be indebted to the brothel, but should be able to repay the debts of food and broad through their labor. This gives an idea that people "may have had difficulty regarding sexual realtions outside of marriage as a sin".
Love Poem Demography (courtship)
Marriage in early modern Europe was still heavily reliant on "love" from both constituents. The poem talks of a "villa, a female spirit that inhabits streams and forests, ensaring the affection of naive men". This poem gives a few into the ideas of courtship and romance before marriage.
Letter from Nobleman his wife in Denmark ( Family relationships and family Economics)
This letter explains that the husband is away from his castle gathering men to fight for the king, in his absence the wife is in charge of " doing what [she ] thinks best with the business." Also the tone of the letter is not one of superiority, but more of equality. The husband and the wife are equal partners in the marriage relationship. This letter was written in 1502 and gives an inside look into the husband wife relationship in aristocratic families.
Battle for the Pants Germany late fifteenth century (family relationships)
A painting in the fifteenth century depicting a man on his knees reaching for pants on the ground while his wife is standing over him holding back his hand with her left hand and carrying distaff in the other hand raised in the air. This depicts the struggel taking place for control in the household and as this painting shows, the men no longer ruled house.
Petition to the king and queen, Denmark c. 1487 (Demography, Family relationships)
Petition made by a widow to the king and queen asking for money. She wanted to travel to Germany to find a journey man who can make saddles and other things to carry on the business of her dead husband. This shows the nuclear family setting, that when a spouse dies there are no others to support the remaining spouse. This also shows that women have a social status enough to write petition to the king and queen for help.
Regulations of a City Brothel (Law State and Church)
In the 1500's prostitution began to have regulatoins set on it. In this essay it appears that although prostitution was looked down on, it was accepted. The article outlines the new regulations placed on brothel owners: whores should be treated fairly, not sold brought by brothel managers; whores should not be indebted to the brothel, but should be able to repay the debts of food and broad through their labor. This gives an idea that people "may have had difficulty regarding sexual realtions outside of marriage as a sin".
Love Poem Demography (courtship)
Marriage in early modern Europe was still heavily reliant on "love" from both constituents. The poem talks of a "villa, a female spirit that inhabits streams and forests, ensaring the affection of naive men". This poem gives a few into the ideas of courtship and romance before marriage.
Letter from Nobleman his wife in Denmark ( Family relationships and family Economics)
This letter explains that the husband is away from his castle gathering men to fight for the king, in his absence the wife is in charge of " doing what [she ] thinks best with the business." Also the tone of the letter is not one of superiority, but more of equality. The husband and the wife are equal partners in the marriage relationship. This letter was written in 1502 and gives an inside look into the husband wife relationship in aristocratic families.
Battle for the Pants Germany late fifteenth century (family relationships)
A painting in the fifteenth century depicting a man on his knees reaching for pants on the ground while his wife is standing over him holding back his hand with her left hand and carrying distaff in the other hand raised in the air. This depicts the struggel taking place for control in the household and as this painting shows, the men no longer ruled house.
Petition to the king and queen, Denmark c. 1487 (Demography, Family relationships)
Petition made by a widow to the king and queen asking for money. She wanted to travel to Germany to find a journey man who can make saddles and other things to carry on the business of her dead husband. This shows the nuclear family setting, that when a spouse dies there are no others to support the remaining spouse. This also shows that women have a social status enough to write petition to the king and queen for help.
Mary S. Hartman, “Marrying Early and Marrying Late.”
The Mary S. Hartman reading connects three themes-marriage, gender and law, state and church.
At the beginning of 2nd chapter Hartman is using Thomas More work Utopia to compare household structure in England (page 37). She is analyzing Utopia to show how English society was seen from many Utopian aspects.
In this chapter Mary S. Hartman is discussing marriage development of the West in relationship of the rest of the world. On page 39 she identifies northwestern European family patterns like late marriage, significant number who never marry, domestic service, nuclear household. She is noticing family pattern differences between the East and the West. Later Hartman compares family patterns with the rest of the world (China, India, and Morocco).
Mary S. Hartman also discusses early-marriage to late-marriage and shows that change to late-marriage has affected modern life. On page 54 she argues that agricultural production and seasonal agriculture works in Northwestern Europe affected late-marriage for both men and women.
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